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In the s, many radio stars, including Edward R. Murrow, abandoned radio for television, and radio began to lose its appeal as a mass medium.
Radio pioneered the practice of "narrowcasting" starting in the s, as stations abandoned nationally produced content to focus on a specific demographic or ethnic group within its listening area.
This early and successful form of target marketing predated and pres-aged efforts by magazines and some newspapers to do the same.
The s were generally a decade of massive change for newspapers. Typesetting changed dramatically as the use of photocomposition and offset presses became widespread.
The advent of offset spelled doom not only for the jobs of Linotype operators but also for many other specialized printing trades. The result was a rash of newspaper strikes that continued into the s.
Paul, San Jose, and Seattle. The s were also notable as the decade in which computers first began to invade U.
Though slow and balky at first, computers would revolutionize typesetting by the s, with later technology making it possible for type to go directly from computer screen to printing plate.
The continued decline in multiple-newspaper cities led Congress to pass the Newspaper Preservation Act of , which allowed competing newspapers to merge essentially all of their operations outside the newsroom if one or both were in financial distress.
The s brought more massive changes to the media in the United States. Though both were at first derided by the newspaper press, both survived and prospered.
The s will be remembered most as the decade in which the Internet exploded as a major cultural force. Newspapers were quick to build Internet sites and invest in the new technology as part of a "convergence" strategy, although as of the year profits from the Internet continued to elude most companies.
Increasing consolidation of newspaper chains and ever-decreasing competition have been other major trends of the s and s, with newspaper mergers and buyouts continuing unabated.
Between and , newspaper companies aggressively sought to expand their holdings in both numbers of newspapers and in specific geographic areas, seeking especially to cluster their holdings in and around metropolitan areas.
Newspaper companies also aggressively expanded into television, radio, and the Internet, with mixed results. At the end of , the top 25 media corporations controlled U.
The information industry in the United States is one of the most dynamic and quickly-growing sectors of an economy that was struggling to recover from recession in the middle of To say the least, communication industries are not an inconsiderable part of the U.
Since , the United States experienced a massive speculative boom in the stock market, fueled mainly if not entirely by companies that promised to use the limitless potential of the Internet to deliver every possible type of service to the home consumer.
That speculative bubble burst in the first half of , shortly after the contested George W. Bush versus Al Gore presidential election was finally decided.
Uncertainty over the future course of the country, combined with a growing impatience with seemingly empty promises from Internet companies, caused a massive contraction in equities markets throughout and sent the U.
The business climate was still stagnant in September , when terrorists struck at the heart of the U. The economic news was improving somewhat in the summer of , but the long-term outlook remained uncertain.
The falling stock market affected not only Internet companies but other corporations as well, including publicly-held media companies and many of their major advertisers.
Many media companies were already coming to terms with falling advertising revenues before the terrorist attacks.
The aftermath of September 11 caused businesses to rethink capital expenditures and shift comparatively more money into security-related spending and less into advertising.
Newspapers were hurt by declining advertising but were helped somewhat by a rise in newspaper circulation since the attacks and subsequent U.
However, as of the summer of , those short-term circulation gains seemed to be evaporating. Newspapers make up only one portion of the mass media in the United States, and they make up a declining percentage of the media market.
Although the economic census listed 8, newspaper publishers including daily and weekly papers and 6, periodical publishers, it also listed 6, radio broadcasters; 1, television broadcasters; 4, cable broadcasters; and 14, information and data services processing firms.
With the recent growth of Internet businesses, print media are taking up an ever smaller share of the media audience. Although both print and broadcast revenues continued to grow throughout and , the rate at which newspapers grew, 6.
By comparison, information and data processing services grew One bright spot in the comparison of newspapers to broadcasting agencies has been that newspapers are generally retaining readers better than broadcasters are retaining viewers.
In the summer of , the news organizations of the three major networks all reported precipitous declines in the number of viewers their news programs were able to capture.
Most newspapers in the United States are part of newspaper chains, owned by corporations that control from two to several hundred papers. Although some newspapers are still held privately or controlled by families or trusts, the trend of corporate ownership proliferated in the s and s.
In the early s, chain ownership was one of the most hotly debated trends in the United States media. Critics of chains worry about consolidating so much circulation, power, and influence in the hands of a relatively few people, charging that corporate newspapers accept a corporate mentality that substitutes concern for profits and stock prices for journalistic integrity and independence.
Another concern is corporate standardization. One major consequence of corporate buying is that early s sprees inflated the value of newspapers out of proportion to their actual profit margins.
With corporate owners increasingly concerned about servicing their debts, cost cutting seems to be the only way to ensure a cash flow great enough to meet obligations to debtors.
More often than not, this means staff cuts, since the major cost centers in newspapers are people and newsprint, and newsprint costs are constant and generally rising.
Of particular concern to many observers of the media scene is the increasing proportion of publishers and even general managers who come from a background in business, instead of in journalism.
There is a prevailing feeling among many editors that an MBA may qualify a person to run a business but that a publisher with a business background may subvert the interests of the newspaper and its editorial independence.
Of particular concern are the effect of corporate decisions on editorial content and the question of whether editorial matters may be subverted in the interest of or at the request of advertisers and other business interests of the corporation.
Some journalists have increasingly insisted on making a "full disclosure" when reporting or commenting on movies, books, or programming produced by another arm of a massive corporation.
A good example would be a commentator for Time criticizing a movie produced by Time Warner, Inc. This type of disclosure, however, is only helpful in allowing those readers who were not aware of such cross-ownership to find out about it in the act of reading; it does not provide insight into the editorial decisions that produced the article or commentary in the first place, and it leaves the magazine or newspaper open to concerns of undue corporate influence.
On the other hand, corporate ownership may actually benefit many small-to medium-sized newspapers by creating a company-wide pool of resources and talent that the company can draw upon to make individual newspapers better.
Corporate ownership can mean corporate discounts on newsprint, ink, printing presses, and other supplies, and can mean skilled help from within the corporation when presses break, lawsuits are threatened, or disasters strike newspapers.
Corporate ownership combined with public financing can also mean that companies have an available pool of money from which to draw for special projects, better coverage, and the hiring process.
The individual effect of corporate ownership undoubtedly varies from company to company and from newspaper to newspaper. Some papers that operated alone at a very high level might find themselves stifled by a corporate mindset that asks publishers to justify any expense to the head office; on the other hand, an infusion of corporate money, talent, and resources is a godsend to any number of struggling papers.
However, the experience of being bought and sold invariably leads to a period of uncertainty for employees of a newspaper, as the new company generally makes changes in the management structure, management philosophies, and management personnel, to say nothing of other hirings and firings that may affect jobs and morale in the newsroom and in the rest of the paper.
Small changes are magnified at small newspapers, which generally have smaller staffs than larger-circulation papers and are thus more likely to be affected by cuts that could be thought insignificant at larger organizations.
Half of the newspapers in the United States have circulations below 13, readers, and of those papers fully 47 percent changed hands in the six years between and One unique exception to corporate ownership, and one way that some multi-newspaper cities have managed to keep operating, is through joint operating agreements JOAs.
Created in as an exemption to anti-trust laws, JOAs allow two or three competing papers to merge business and production operations while keeping news-rooms separate and continuing to produce multiple newspapers.
Of the others, all except two ended with one newspaper failing, moving to weekly publication, or merging with the other paper. About 79 percent of American adults had looked at a newspaper within the past week at the time of the survey.
Of people who had a college degree, Interestingly, white and black Americans read newspapers at equal levels: The same survey found that people who were more poorly educated watched slightly more television; 94 percent of people without a high-school degree watched television in the past week, compared with Income had little effect on television viewing, but it did have a dramatic effect on Internet usage.
Education levels made an even more dramatic difference; only Advertising revenues remain a major concern for newspaper publishers.
In , the last year for which figures were available, newspapers saw a precipitous drop in advertising expenditures on the part of businesses.
Retail, national, and classified advertising fell each quarter compared with the same quarter in , which was itself down compared to spending.
Total advertising expenditures fell 4. National advertising fell by 8. The drop in advertising revenues year-to-year has been of great concern to publishers, who rely on advertising for most of their profits.
Short-term circulation gains have been evaporating at many newspapers, and many papers continue to face shrinking circulations and the prospect of falling ad revenues as well.
Any cuts that come out of papers have to come from within, with employees bearing the brunt of the cuts.
Most newspapers still strive to maintain at least a 1: Ideally, the ad ratio should be skewed slightly farther in the direction of advertising in order to maximize profits and to cost-justify the number of pages appearing in a paper, but most newspapers will generally provide an "open page" when the city desk asks for more space for a certain package of stories or for a long-standing special report.
Needless to say, such a ratio is not achieved every day, nor is it achieved through display advertising alone. Pressures from individual advertisers can sometimes sway weaker or smaller newspapers to change editorial coverage or even abandon stories entirely.
Another collection of groups that may affect newspaper coverage of certain events is the various special-interest lobbies that exist across the country.
Lobbying organizations command a disproportionate amount of newspaper coverage compared with their actual power and the amount of the population they represent essentially because of their skill at "working the media" and ensuring that they provide newsworthy events on command.
Special-interest lobbies command news attention not so much through pressure or coercion as through the nature of various stunts and "media events" they stage.
Stories on hot-button issues, such as abortion and gun control, often are the province of special-interest lobbies because reporters tend to call them for easy quotes and to create "balance" in stories, rather than doing the sometimes more difficult work of talking to people in the community who might have more complex, but possibly more representative, views on the issues.
Though newspaper audiences tend to be more affluent than the rest of the population, newsroom employees tend not to be particularly well-paid compared to other groups.
Exact data for newspaper pay scales can be difficult to come by, given that the Census Bureau does not break down wage data from the communications sector to specific categories or wage levels within individual communications sectors.
However, wage data taken from the Economic Census of the United States, taken in , suggest that newspaper workers in general are paid well below the more general communications sector and slightly below the average wage for the rest of the United States.
To expand this view to other forms of media, we find newspaper workers again near the bottom of the pay scale. Between and , there were two major newspaper strikes in the United States, in Detroit and in Seattle.
There were also minor work stoppages at several newspapers, and as of the summer of , there was a curious "byline strike" ongoing at the Washington Post.
The relatively small number of strikes in the s partly reflects the economic boom of the decade and partially reflects the dwindling influence unions have over the press.
The major labor unions in the U. One group of unions represented compositors, typesetters, printers, and other persons who were skilled laborers mainly in charge of actually printing the paper.
The other group of unions, of which the Newspaper Guild is the survivor, represented reporters, copy editors, and photographers—once blue-collar, hourly-wage occupations that over the course of the twentieth century gradually became white-collar, professionalized, salaried jobs.
Offset technology utterly erased jobs once held by compositors and typesetters, and it took much of the older type of skilled labor out of printing.
The elimination of lead type in favor of offset plates means that copy editors and designers can now typeset a page in one computer mouse-click. In the s, newspapers gained the capability to create negatives and even press plates directly from the newsroom, eliminating the legions of skilled workers once needed to make that transition.
The new offset presses also brought with them a dramatic fall in labor costs; although Ben Bradlee was wrong when he observed that one man could push a button and a newspaper would be printed, the offset presses do require much less labor to run.
In addition, the fact that as of large corporations held most newspapers shifted the balance of power decisively in favor of management; companies in the early s have large pools of employees and deep pockets whose reserves that they can use to break a strike.
The Newspaper Guild also has seen a decline in its relative importance and its membership. Ironically, though, increasing job mobility and wage scales for reporters, editors, and photographers have increased class distinctions between the newsroom and the pressroom.
In addition, the growing importance newspapers place on individual reporters, and the recent phenomenon of reporters becoming stars in their own right and being promoted as a result of their reporting, has meant that the ranks of management are increasingly filled with those who once were reporters and editors, blurring distinctions even further.
Overall, the percentage of newspaper workers who are union members has dropped from about 17 to 20 percent in to about 10 percent in The largest newspaper strike of the s illustrates these trends in dramatic fashion.
Tensions in both papers simmered until July 13, , when 2, employees of both papers, represented by six unions, walked off the job. Gannett and Knight-Ridder, publishers of the News and Free Press , both vowed to continue publication and did.
Strikers encouraged union workers in Detroit, a union-heavy and union-friendly city, to boycott the paper, and they did.
The result of the strike was disaster for both sides, as circulation, advertising dollars, news-room morale, and salaries all fell.
The strike lasted for 19 months, or a total of days. By October some 40 percent of striking workers were back on the job, but the newspapers continued to struggle.
The papers saw a ,paper drop in circulation, which as of had not been regained. The unions failed to shut the newspapers down, and the papers have been slow to rehire union members, many of whom took jobs elsewhere or moved out of the newspaper business.
The lasting result of the strike has been bitterness and acrimony on both sides. Following the Detroit strike, the only other major strike as of was in Seattle, where employees of the Seattle News walked out over a new contract at the end of The Seattle strike lasted 49 days, and ended at last when the Guild accepted a contract that was essentially identical to the one it had rejected initially.
An interesting development in recent years has been the resurgence of "byline strikes," whereby reporters, columnists, and sometimes photographers refuse to publish bylines with their stories.
The Post was the first newspaper to attempt such a strike, in , and the effect was mixed at best. Many observers have pointed out that most readers tend to ignore bylines in any case, with the obvious exception of syndicated columns.
Newspapers across the United States are remarkably homogenous in terms of their price. Audit Bureau of Circulations numbers from show that nearly all U.
Fully 76 percent of the Audit Bureau of Circulations members that release single-copy costs charge 50 cents for their newspapers. In , newspapers used 11,, metric tons of newsprint, a 1.
Newsprint is one of the two major cost centers in newspaper publishing, with the other being labor costs. To reduce newsprint costs, many papers have been converting to a smaller "web width" to conserve paper, which is priced per ton.
The smaller web width—50 inches at most papers, down from 52 or 54 inches—means that papers are getting perceptibly narrower, and is partially responsible for driving redesigns at many newspapers.
The major effect of the shorter width that most consumers notice is that the page takes on a substantially more vertical feel, with story packages stripped down the sides of pages instead of being in horizontally boxed formats.
The return to verticality of design is in some ways a throwback to the days before offset printing, when stories were confined to a single column by the technology of the lead type case.
The offset press has also benefited considerably from the revolution in computer technology that newspapers have taken advantage of through the s and s.
The advent of the Macintosh computer and the laser printer in marked the beginning of the desktop publishing revolution and caused newspapers to realize many of the inherent capabilities of the offset press.
Computers in many ways have vastly simplified the problems of copy flow throughout newsrooms, forever destroying the position of the copyboy.
Design programs freed designers from the tyranny of the six-or seven-column front, allowing stories to be stripped across pages, story elements to be horizontal rather than vertical, and graphics technology to be employed to create maps, charts, and other visual elements that draw readers into the page.
Offset presses also tend to make it easier for newspapers to print four-color art, including photographs and graphics, and to increase the amount of colored elements on the page.
In , The Wall Street Journal , for years the last bastion of strict vertical design in the United States, redesigned to use color in all of its sections and actually broke headlines across two columns on its front page.
Distribution networks continue to be a problem for many newspapers, especially those in large cities that have a very time-sensitive population and large traffic problems.
Interestingly, the shift to morning publication has meant that many newspapers can be somewhat more flexible with distribution times.
Afternoon papers, by their nature absolutely have to arrive by a certain time each day, while most people will not notice the difference between a 4 a.
In many smaller newspapers, individual carriers, who are independent contractors, are still the preferred method for delivering subscriptions, while the circulation department might own or rent a van or truck to fill up racks across the circulation area.
Bigger metropolitan papers, however, usually employ a mixture of carriers, delivery vans, and trucks, and contract with individual commercial companies to distribute newspapers.
Recently, many papers have discontinued home delivery for their outlying circulation areas, relying instead on mail services for distribution.
At the beginning of , about 44 percent of papers owned their own distribution vehicles; 29 percent contracted; Freedom of the press in the United States rests on a firm constitutional bulwark.
The First Amendment, and the other nine amendments that comprise the Bill of Rights, is now generally construed as being intended to provide citizens with specific protections against an aggrandizement of power by the federal government.
Most state governments had their own Bills of Rights at the time the Constitution was written, and many had stronger protections than the new federal constitution provided.
The United States legal system mixes statute law, common law, and administrative law in what can seem a confusing mishmash of rules.
In general, however, most of what we think of as "First Amendment law" comes from U. In addition, a long-standing recourse to precedents in the common law in courts of appeals and the Supreme Court means that prior decisions generally hold a great deal of value when deciding present cases.
What this means for contemporary observers is that Supreme Court decisions tend to be construed by other lawmaking bodies in terms of general rules, or tests, to be followed in determining the limits of expression.
Although the federal Congress is generally loath to pass laws that obviously restrict free expression or challenge established precedents, it can and does pass new laws that fall into the many gray areas created by a common-law system and which have to be adjudicated by the courts.
The federal and state governments, of course, are always at liberty to grant more freedoms to their citizens than are specifically provided for in laws and court decisions.
When James Madison was asked to write the First Amendment, he began work in a political climate that was acutely aware of the long history of the suppression of press freedoms by British authorities, dating back to Elizabethan times.
Moreover, the amendment was written to satisfy Antifederalist opponents of the Constitution who feared that a strong central government would unavoidably usurp state privileges and encroach upon the rights of the common citizen.
The acts, which were generally aimed at Antifederalist printers and suspicious foreigners who were supporters of Thomas Jefferson, succeeded in jailing some 40 Antifederalist editors and deporting several hundred supporters of the French Revolution.
They had the somewhat unintended effect of creating a widespread disgust for the Federalist Party and helped Jefferson win the election of The acts were quietly left to die, never challenged in court; however, the principle of judicial review was not part of the U.
Madison case in Press freedoms would again be suppressed by governments during the nineteenth century, but those acts took place on a much more local scale.
For example, Andrew Jackson suppressed presses in New Orleans that were sympathetic to the British during the War of During the great sectional debates over slavery that led up to the Civil War, the postal service routinely denied abolitionist newspapers delivery in the South, and President Lincoln, Confederate President Jefferson Davis, and a host of generals on both sides attacked and suspended printing presses during the Civil War.
However, there were no major Supreme Court decisions concerning the First Amendment during the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries.
The country had to wait for the turmoil and agitation surrounding the outbreak of World War I for court decisions to articulate definitive theories of First Amendment freedoms.
The one major question that all observers agree on pertains to the freedom from prior restraint. At its base, the First Amendment was designed to prevent federal government—and, because of later decisions, state and local governments—from stopping newspapers and other media from publishing.
This idea is generally construed to mean that a system of prior restraint or press licensing, like the colonies had under British rule, is proscribed.
Furthermore, the amendment is construed to ban any governmental action that would have the effect of creating a system of prior restraint or of subjecting the press to any form of censorship.
The major prior restraint case, Near v. Minnesota , indicated that the form of government action was less important than its effect on the press.
United States found restraint to be unconstitutional. The Near decision also noted that even if expression is unlawful, it is better punished after the fact than by restraining its publication altogether.
At a very basic level, then, the major question that arises from this assumption is whether press freedom consists of only freedom from prior restraint, or whether press freedom should be construed to include some protections from after-the-fact litigation related to materials already published.
The question was not settled in favor of proscribing government interference through criminal sanctions until Schenck v. United States was handed down in In such a marketplace, good and bad ideas can be given full expression and can be freely debated.
In such a system, constitutional protection is given to good ideas as well as bad ideas with full confidence in truth eventually emerging.
Protection of all ideas is guaranteed because only their eventual death or survival in the marketplace will tell how truthful or false they are. The concept of a marketplace of ideas enjoyed a renaissance in the press around the turn of the twentieth century; immediately before then, of course, newspapers supported individual political parties and tended not to view themselves as open forums for discussion.
This theory was espoused most famously in cases such as Abrams v. United States , Gitlow v. New York , and Whitney v. Gitlow is especially important as being the first time the First Amendment protections of free speech were held to be binding on state governments; for a variety of reasons, the course of court decisions following the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment meant that each individual amendment had to be applied against the state governments.
The next major development in theories of press freedom is the Meiklejohn thesis, named for its author, the philosopher Abraham Meiklejohn. In the early s, Meiklejohn argued that the basis for press freedom rests upon the fact that the United States is a self-governing society.
He argued that the First Amendment is designed to protect the specific type of speech by which U. Meiklejohn would also add to the First Amendment coverage for speech in all aspects of artistic, literary, scientific, educational, and philosophical endeavors because the ability of people to govern themselves effectively depends so heavily on cultivating educated rationality.
Sullivan and, in a decision that expresses the idea in an earlier form, Near v. Sullivan is the defamation case in which the court set forth a strict standard that public officials must follow to prove libel against them.
It also was the case that placed prior restraint of the press beyond the pale of government action. Other theories of the role of the First Amendment exist, though in less well-reasoned forms.
One common interpretation is that the First Amendment functions as a "safety valve" through which extreme elements of society can vent their anger in a safer way than revolution.
Another argument, which has gained increasing currency with the growing acceptance of psychological theories of development, is that the ability to freely express oneself is fundamental to individual development and growth.
This latter interpretation places the First Amendment within the realm of fundamental human rights, rather than simply constitutional rights guaranteed by government.
The Supreme Court has applied these theories to actual cases in a variety of ways. In general, the court has attempted to arrive at decisions which inherently provide observers with a variety of operative tests to use when considering whether some form of speech is permitted or not.
Those tests can generally be seen as corresponding to any one of a variety of fundamental tests of the First Amendment. The most basic definition of the First Amendment is that it provides a central core of protection for any expression in all circumstances.
This is known as the absolutist approach to First Amendment law, and it takes its basic approach from the language of the amendment.
Absolutists can believe that no law quite literally means no law, but they express this belief in a variety of ways.
Most absolutists, despite the name, do understand that there are conditions under which speech can reasonably be restricted; the famous example of crying "Fire" in a theater is the obvious one.
The absolutist approach generally defines "law" as including administrative regulations as well as legislative decisions and tends to argue that restrictions on free expression must be contentneutral.
Permissible regulations would focus only on limiting the time, place, and manner of the expression and would be narrowly drawn to restrict the amount of latitude governments would have to restrict speech.
The time, place, and manner of restrictions could be drawn to take into account the individual needs of communities—no protests at midnight, on public highways, or on the field during public sporting events, for example—as long as they did not interfere with the substance of the regulation.
In essence, time, place, and manner restrictions would have to be entirely incidental to speech to be permissible.
Another test of the First Amendment which has claimed a broader following than the absolutist approach is called the "clear and present danger" test.
Like the absolutist approach, it is rooted in the ideal of a free market in ideas, but it is more restrictive than the absolutist because it argues that the content of some types of speech can be restricted.
The first expression of this test was in the decision of Schenck v. The case focused on a leaflet issued by the American Socialist Party which called on young men to resist the draft in World War I.
Schenck, a party officer, was arrested and charged with violating the Espionage Act of by inciting insubordination in the military.
The problem with the clear and present danger test, of course, is that how clear and how present the danger is largely subjective.
And, quite obviously, the test has the effect of allowing government to punish expression under certain conditional circumstances.
Another, even less well-organized approach to deciding First Amendment cases can be called an ad hoc balancing of interests approach.
This approach takes into account the fact that laws challenged on First Amendment grounds do not exist in a vacuum but rather are the product of a balancing of interests between free speech and other governmental interests, some of which can be other constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Unfortunately, the amendment drafted in the s has run up against the mass media of the twenty-first century. In many cases, media coverage of a trial can bias or appear to bias its outcome.
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In his follow-up to Gonzo , a portrait of rabble-rouser Hunter S. Even as a student, however, there were signs of trouble as he laundered money through charities, a pattern he would repeat throughout the decades, always on the lookout for new loopholes.
Along the way, Abramoff ensnared lawmakers and government officials in his web as they traded political favors for campaign financing.
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Page 1 of 1 Start over Page 1 of 1. Customers who bought this item also bought. The Smartest Guys in the Room. Product Description This portrait of Washington super-lobbyist Jack Abramoff, from his early years as a gung-ho member of the GOP political machine to his final reckoning as a disgraced, imprisoned pariah, confirms the adage that truth is indeed stranger than fiction.
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Atlantic Club Casino Hotel. This documentary is killer. The story was solid and flowed effortlessly from one episode to the next.
The camera work was good and the info was just a back-to-back ride of jaw-dropping punches. I tried watching the fictional version of this afterwards and I could only make it through 20 minutes of that garbage.
A very very good film! Prime Video Verified Purchase. This is a must see regardless of your party. I am a conservative but am by no means fooled.
One more nail in my parties coffin. This documentary very clearly and truthfully highlights a very grim reality within ultra-republican politics.
And to think the very thing Abramoff was indicted for is now legal!!! If this were watched as a fictional piece, one would surely think that the author had truly "gone off the rails" in imagining such vile and consciousless characters being so deeply influential and so closely connected to the highest echelons of the US government Every eligible voter should be required to see this before voting for any elected official.
Democracy is doomed unless someone in government has the guts to demand election reform and to get rid of the lobbyists as they presently operate.
This DVD is a must for anyone who votes in this country. It gives an inside look at what is going on with our elected officials; and until MONEY is taken out of the voting process; then our country will only be for the very wealthy and those who pay the politicians.
This is a very good documentary. The story was told in a non-chronological fashion, which made it difficult to follow at times.
A needed look at the unfortunate current process of lawmaking. A worthy documentary giving us an opportunity to learn important lessons.