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The Constitution was crafted in part to solve the problem of special interests, today usually represented by lobbies, by having these factions compete.

James Madison identified a faction as "a number of citizens, whether amounting to a minority or majority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community", [1] and Madison argued in Federalist No.

There has been lobbying at every level of government, particularly in state governments [42] during the nineteenth century, but increasingly directed towards the federal government in the twentieth century.

The last few decades have been marked by an exponential increase in lobbying activity and expenditures. The number of registered Washington lobbyists is substantial.

Corporations which lobby actively tend to be few in number, large, and often sell to the government. Most corporations do not hire lobbyists.

Still, of all the entities doing lobbying in Washington, the biggest overall spenders are, in fact, corporations.

For example, aircraft manufacturer Boeing , which has sizeable defense contracts, pours "millions into lobbying": Of that sum, 53 percent went to Democrats.

Other possible players in the lobbying arena are those who might influence legislation: Lobbying has much in common with highly people-intensive businesses such as management consulting and public relations , but with a political and legal sensibility.

Like lawmakers, many lobbyists are lawyers, and the persons they are trying to influence have the duty of writing laws. Well-connected lobbyists work in Washington for years, know the issues, are highly skilled advocates, [60] and have cultivated close connections with members of Congress, regulators, specialists, and others.

They understand strategy and have excellent communication skills; many are well suited to be able to choose which clients they would like to represent.

When a client hires them to push a specific issue or agenda, they usually form coalitions to exert political pressure.

As one lobbyist put it:. Access is important and often means a one-on-one meeting with a legislator. When getting access is difficult, there are ways to wear down the walls surrounding a legislator.

Access is vital in lobbying. Here we had a hostile senator, whose staff was hostile, and we had to get in. Lobbyists often assist congresspersons with campaign finance [60] by arranging fundraisers, assembling PACs, [36] [43] and seeking donations from other clients.

Many lobbyists become campaign treasurers and fundraisers for congresspersons. This helps incumbent members cope with the substantial amounts of time required to raise money for reelection bids; one estimate was that congresspersons had to spend a third of their working hours on fundraising activity.

At the same time, it is hard for outside observers to argue that a particular decision, such as hiring a former staffer into a lobbying position, was purely as a reward for some past political decision, since staffers often have valuable connections and policy experience needed by lobbying firms.

Lobbyists, according to several sources, strive for communications which are clear, straightforward, and direct.

Still, persuasion is a subtle business, requiring a deft touch, and carelessness can boomerang. Since it often takes a long time to build the network of relationships within the lobbying industry, ethical interpersonal dealings are important.

A maxim in the industry is for lobbyists to be truthful with people they are trying to persuade; one lobbyist described it this way: Strategic considerations for lobbyists, trying to influence legislation, include "locating a power base" or a constituency logically predisposed to support a given policy.

Increasingly, lobbyists seek to put together coalitions and use outside lobbying by swaying public opinion. As an indirect tactic, lobbyists can try to manipulate public opinion which, in turn, can sometimes exert pressure on congresspersons.

Lobbying today generally requires mounting a coordinated campaign, using targeted blitzes of telephone calls, letters, emails to congressional lawmakers, marches down the Washington Mall , bus caravans, and such, and these are often put together by lobbyists who coordinate a variety of interest group leaders to unite behind a hopefully simple easy-to-grasp and persuasive message.

It is important for lobbyists to follow rules governing lobbying behavior. These can be difficult and complex, take time to learn, require full disclosure, [60] and mistakes can land a lobbyist in serious legal trouble.

Gifts for congresspersons and staffers can be problematic, since anything of sizeable value must be disclosed and generally such gifts are illegal.

Wealthy lobbyists often encourage other lobbying clients to donate to a particular cause, in the hope that favors will be returned at a later date.

Lobbyist Gerald Cassidy encouraged other clients to give for causes dear to a particular client engaged in a current lobbying effort. The dynamics of the lobbying world make it fairly easy for a semi-skilled operator to defraud a client.

This is essentially what happened in the Jack Abramoff Indian lobbying scandal. There was a concerned client—in this case, an Indian casino —worried about possible ill-effects of legislation on its gambling business; and there were lobbyists such as Jack Abramoff who knew how to exploit these fears.

The lobbyists actively lobbied against their own casino-client as a way to ratchet up their fears of adverse legislation as well as stoke possible future contributions; the lobbyists committed other violations such as grossly overbilling their clients as well as violating rules about giving gifts to congresspersons.

Numerous persons went to jail after the scandal. The following are factors which can make fraud a fairly easy-to-do activity: Evans, who was convicted of mail and wire fraud in in a case involving falsely creating a "fictitious legislative threat" against a client, and then billing the client to work against this supposed threat.

Lobbyists routinely monitor how congressional officials vote, sometimes checking the past voting records of congresspersons. Strategy usually dictates targeting specific office holders.

On the state level, one study suggested that much of the lobbying activity targeted the offices of governors as well as state-level executive bureaucrats; state lobbying was an "intensely personal game" with face-to-face contact being required for important decisions.

Lobbying can be a counteractive response to the lobbying efforts of others. One study suggested this was particularly true for battles surrounding possible decisions by the Supreme Court which is considered as a "battleground for public policy" in which differing groups try to "etch their policy preferences into law".

An example may illustrate. I had my clients understand that just as other clients who had nothing to do with them, would step up and give contributions to congressmen they needed to have some sway with, so similarly they needed to do the same.

I went to every client I could, and rounded up every check we could for him. Since government has grown increasingly complex, having to deal with new technologies, the task of writing rules has become more complex.

Lobby groups and their members sometimes also write legislation and whip bills, and in these instances, it is helpful to have lawyers skilled in writing legislation to assist with these efforts.

Lobbying firms can serve as mentors and guides. For example, after months of protesting by the Occupy Wall Street , one lobbying firm prepared a memo to its clients warning that Republicans may "turn on big banks, at least in public" which may have the effect of "altering the political ground for years to come.

Leading Democratic party strategists have begun to openly discuss the benefits of embracing the growing and increasingly organized Occupy Wall Street OWS movement This would mean more than just short-term discomfort for Wall Street firms.

If vilifying the leading companies of this sector is allowed to become an unchallenged centerpiece of a coordinated Democratic campaign, it has the potential to have very long-lasting political, policy and financial impacts on the companies in the center of the bullseye.

Since the s, there has been explosive growth in the lobbying industry, particularly in Washington D. The industry, however, is not immune to economic downturns.

If Congress is gridlocked, such as during the summer and early fall of , lobbying activity dipped considerably, according to The Washington Post.

A sea-change in government, such as a shift in control of the legislature from one political party to the other, can affect the lobbying business profoundly.

There are numerous examples of lobbying activity reported by the media. One report chronicled a somewhat unusual alliance of consumer advocates and industry groups to boost funding for the Food and Drug Administration ; the general pattern of lobbying efforts had been to try to reduce the regulatory oversight of such an agency.

In this case, however, lobbying groups wanted the federal watchdog agency to have tougher policing authority to avert expensive problems when oversight was lax; in this case, industry and consumer groups were in harmony, and lobbyists were able to persuade officials that higher FDA budgets were in the public interest.

While national-level lobbyists working in Washington have the highest salaries, many lobbyists operating at the state level can earn substantial salaries.

The table shows the top lobbyists in one state— Maryland —in Top power-brokers such as Gerald Cassidy have made fortunes from lobbying:.

He lives large, riding around town in his chauffeured car, spending thousands on custom-made clothes, investing big money in, for example, the Charlie Palmer Steak restaurant at the foot of Capitol Hill just for the fun of it.

He has fashioned a wine cellar of more than 7, bottles. He loves to go to England and live like a gentleman of the kind his Irish antecedents would have considered an anathema.

The general consensus view is that lobbying generally works overall in achieving sought-after results for clients, particularly since it has become so prevalent with substantial and growing budgets, although there are dissenting views.

There is widespread agreement that a key ingredient in effective lobbying is money. Still, effectiveness can vary depending on the situational context.

One view is that large multiple-issue lobbies tend to be effective in getting results for their clients if they are sophisticated, managed by a legislative director familiar with the art of compromise, and play "political hardball".

Studies of lobbying by academics in previous decades painted a picture of lobbying being an ineffectual activity, although many of these studies were done before lobbying became prevalent in American politics.

What happens often is that varying coalitions find themselves in "diametrical opposition to each other" and that stalemates result. There is anecdotal evidence from numerous newspaper accounts of different groups battling that lobbying activity usually achieves results.

And sometimes merely keeping the status quo could be seen as a victory. When gridlock led to the supposed supercommittee solution, numerous lobbyists from all parts of the political spectrum worked hard, and a stalemate resulted, but with each side defended their own special interests.

Lobbying is a practical necessity for firms that "live and die" by government decisions, such as large government contractors such as Boeing.

A study done in by Bloomberg News suggested that lobbying was a "sound money-making strategy" for the 20 largest federal contractors.

Lobbying has been the subject of much debate and discussion. There is general consensus that lobbying has been a significant corrupting influence in American politics, although criticism is not universal, and there have been arguments put forward to suggest that the system is working properly.

Generally the image of lobbyists and lobbying in the public sphere is not a positive one, although this is not a universal sentiment.

Lobbyists have been described as a "hired gun" without principles or positions. Since the s, congresspersons and staffers have been "going downtown"—becoming lobbyists—and the big draw is money.

It found that since , 43 percent of the members of Congress who left government to join private life have registered to lobby. A similar report from the Center for Responsive Politics found former members were in the "influence-peddling business", with officially registered as federal lobbyists, and 85 others who were described as providing "strategic advice" or "public relations" to corporate clients.

Numerous reports chronicle the revolving door phenomenon. And it is not just staffers, but lawmakers as well, including high-profile ones such as congressperson Richard Gephardt.

He represented a "working-class" district in Missouri for many years but after leaving Congress, he became a lobbyist. His plan [ citation needed ] would deprive lawmakers-turned-lobbyists of privileges such as unfettered access to otherwise "members only" areas such as the House and Senate floors and the House gym.

A concern among many critics is that influence peddling hurts overall decision making, according to this criticism.

Proposals with merit are dropped in favor of proposals backed by political expediency. A group supported by the United States Department of Agriculture proposed healthier lunches as a way to combat childhood obesity by limiting the number of potatoes served, limiting salty foods, and adding more fresh vegetables, but this group was countered by a strong food lobby backed by Coca-Cola , Del Monte , and makers of frozen pizza.

Critics have contended that when lawmakers are drawn into battles to determine issues such as the composition over school lunches or how much an ATM fee should be, [] more serious issues such as deficit reduction or global warming or social security are neglected.

Critics suggested that the Congress spent more time discussing per-transaction debit-card fees while neglecting issues seen as more pressing.

In this line of reasoning, critics contend that lobbying, in and of itself, is not the sole problem, but only one aspect of a larger problem with American governance.

Critics point to an interplay of factors: Given these temptations, lobbying came along as a logical response to meet the needs of congresspersons seeking campaign funds and staffers seeking personal enrichment.

In a sense, in competitive politics, the common good gets lost:. But it is hard for a single individual to say what is best for the whole group.

Unfortunately, money has corrupted the system and compromised both the fairness of the electoral process as well as the independence and impartiality of elected officials.

Lawrence Lessig , a professor at Harvard Law School and author of Republic, Lost , suggested that the moneyed persuasive power of special interests has insinuated itself between the people and the lawmakers.

As a result of his concerns, Lessig has called on state governments to summon a Second Constitutional Convention to propose substantive reform.

Our current tax system with all its complexities is in part designed to make it easier for candidates, in particular congressmen, to raise money to get back to congress Law in the United States is generally made by Congress , but as the federal government has expanded during much of the twentieth century, there are a sizeable number of federal agencies, generally under the control of the president.

These agencies write often industry-specific rules and regulations regarding such things as automobile safety and air quality.

However, there are indications that lobbyists seek to expand their influence from the halls of Congress deeper into the federal bureaucracy.

President Obama pledged during the election campaign to rein in lobbying. As president in January , he signed two executive orders and three presidential memoranda [] to help ensure his administration would be more open, transparent, and accountable.

These documents attempted to bring increased accountability to federal spending and limit the influence of special interests, and included a lobbyist gift ban and a revolving door ban.

But the proposals ran into serious opposition from various groups including the lobbying industry itself. Department of Justice raised constitutional and other objections to the bill.

Chamber of Commerce and National Association of Realtors with letter writing campaigns against the proposed restrictions. Lobbyist Howard Marlowe argued in a "stern letter" [73] that the restriction on gift-giving to federal employees would create "fear of retribution for political donations":.

Since your announcement to seek the Presidency you have consistently attacked the honorable profession of lobbying Lobbyists play an important role in the legislative process, serving as educators to elected officials.

It is in the best interest to government to have informed individuals who serve as experts in every arena of public policy.

Our ability to access and navigate the legislative process and push issues forward through a bureaucratic cluster is a vital service to the nation.

Making this kind of disclosure a part of the bidding process tarnishes a competition based on qualifications, adds an unneeded level of bureaucracy, and endangers the protection of free speech afforded to all Americans by the First Amendment of the Constitution Critics suggest that Congress has the power to fix itself, but is reluctant to sacrifice money and power.

One report suggested that those in control had an "unbroken record of finding ways to navigate around reform laws or turn regulatory standards to their own advantage.

There are counterarguments that the system is working as it should, despite being rather messy. According to this line of argument, the Madisonian view of politics—in which factions were supposed to compete with other factions—is working exactly as it should.

Competing factions, or in this case, competing interest groups, square off. Battling happens within the federal government, but instead of by settling arguments by elections, arguments are settled by powerful interest groups fighting each other, often financially.

And sometimes powerful financial interests lose the battle. Lobbying brings valuable information to policymakers, according to another argument in favor of lobbying.

Since lobbyists often become highly knowledgeable about a specific issue by studying it in depth over years, they can bring considerable expertise to help legislators avoid errors as well as grasp the nuances of complex issues.

This information can also help Congress oversee numerous federal agencies which often regulate complex industries and issue highly detailed and specific rulings.

Another argument in support of lobbying is that different interest groups and lobbyists, while trying to build coalitions and win support, often amend or soften or change their positions in this process, and that interest groups and lobbyists regulate each other, in a sense.

But a more general sentiment supporting the lobbying arrangement is that every citizen can be construed as being "represented" by dozens of special interests: Every citizen is a special interest Blacks, consumers, teachers, pro-choicers, gun control advocates, handicapped people, aliens, exporters, and salesmen — are all special interests There is not an American today who is not represented whether he or she knows it or not by at least a dozen special interest groups.

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This came in the wake of growing boycotts of the tournament among the Football Federation of Ukraine and sports minister Ihor Zhdanov. Broadcast rights to the tournament in the Middle East were hampered by an ongoing diplomatic crisis in Qatar over alleged support of extremist groups.

On 2 June , beIN pulled its channels from Du and Etisalat , but with service to the latter restored later that day. Etisalat subsequently announced that it would air the World Cup in the UAE, and continue to offer beIN normally and without interruptions.

On 12 July , FIFA stated that it "has engaged counsel to take legal action in Saudi Arabia and is working alongside other sports rights owners that have also been affected to protect its interests.

The elimination of the United States in qualifying led to concerns that US interest and viewership of this World Cup would be reduced especially among "casual" viewers interested in the US team , especially noting how much Fox paid for the rights, and that US games at the World Cup peaked at During a launch event prior to the elimination, Fox stated that it had planned to place a secondary focus on the Mexican team in its coverage to take advantage of their popularity among US viewers factoring Hispanic and Latino Americans.

Fox stated that it was still committed to broadcasting a significant amount of coverage for the tournament. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

For other competitions of that name, see World Cup disambiguation. Bronnitsy , Moscow Oblast Australia: Kazan , Republic of Tatarstan Belgium: Krasnogorsky , Moscow Oblast Brazil: Sochi , Krasnodar Krai Colombia: Verkhneuslonsky , Republic of Tatarstan Costa Rica: Roshchino , Leningrad Oblast [78] Denmark: Anapa , Krasnodar Krai Egypt: Grozny , Chechen Republic England: Repino , Saint Petersburg [79] France: Istra , Moscow Oblast Germany: Vatutinki , Moscow [80] Iceland: Gelendzhik , Krasnodar Krai Iran: Bakovka, Moscow Oblast Japan: Kazan, Republic of Tatarstan Mexico: Khimki , Moscow Oblast Morocco: Voronezh , Voronezh Oblast Nigeria: Yessentuki , Stavropol Krai Panama: Saransk , Republic of Mordovia Peru: Sochi, Krasnodar Krai Portugal: Ramenskoye , Moscow Oblast Russia: Khimki, Moscow Oblast Saudi Arabia: Kaluga , Kaluga Oblast Serbia: Svetlogorsk , Kaliningrad Oblast South Korea: The Constitution was crafted in part to solve the problem of special interests, today usually represented by lobbies, by having these factions compete.

James Madison identified a faction as "a number of citizens, whether amounting to a minority or majority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community", [1] and Madison argued in Federalist No.

There has been lobbying at every level of government, particularly in state governments [42] during the nineteenth century, but increasingly directed towards the federal government in the twentieth century.

The last few decades have been marked by an exponential increase in lobbying activity and expenditures. The number of registered Washington lobbyists is substantial.

Corporations which lobby actively tend to be few in number, large, and often sell to the government. Most corporations do not hire lobbyists.

Still, of all the entities doing lobbying in Washington, the biggest overall spenders are, in fact, corporations.

For example, aircraft manufacturer Boeing , which has sizeable defense contracts, pours "millions into lobbying": Of that sum, 53 percent went to Democrats.

Other possible players in the lobbying arena are those who might influence legislation: Lobbying has much in common with highly people-intensive businesses such as management consulting and public relations , but with a political and legal sensibility.

Like lawmakers, many lobbyists are lawyers, and the persons they are trying to influence have the duty of writing laws.

Well-connected lobbyists work in Washington for years, know the issues, are highly skilled advocates, [60] and have cultivated close connections with members of Congress, regulators, specialists, and others.

They understand strategy and have excellent communication skills; many are well suited to be able to choose which clients they would like to represent.

When a client hires them to push a specific issue or agenda, they usually form coalitions to exert political pressure. As one lobbyist put it:. Access is important and often means a one-on-one meeting with a legislator.

When getting access is difficult, there are ways to wear down the walls surrounding a legislator. Access is vital in lobbying.

Here we had a hostile senator, whose staff was hostile, and we had to get in. Lobbyists often assist congresspersons with campaign finance [60] by arranging fundraisers, assembling PACs, [36] [43] and seeking donations from other clients.

Many lobbyists become campaign treasurers and fundraisers for congresspersons. This helps incumbent members cope with the substantial amounts of time required to raise money for reelection bids; one estimate was that congresspersons had to spend a third of their working hours on fundraising activity.

At the same time, it is hard for outside observers to argue that a particular decision, such as hiring a former staffer into a lobbying position, was purely as a reward for some past political decision, since staffers often have valuable connections and policy experience needed by lobbying firms.

Lobbyists, according to several sources, strive for communications which are clear, straightforward, and direct. Still, persuasion is a subtle business, requiring a deft touch, and carelessness can boomerang.

Since it often takes a long time to build the network of relationships within the lobbying industry, ethical interpersonal dealings are important.

A maxim in the industry is for lobbyists to be truthful with people they are trying to persuade; one lobbyist described it this way: Strategic considerations for lobbyists, trying to influence legislation, include "locating a power base" or a constituency logically predisposed to support a given policy.

Increasingly, lobbyists seek to put together coalitions and use outside lobbying by swaying public opinion. As an indirect tactic, lobbyists can try to manipulate public opinion which, in turn, can sometimes exert pressure on congresspersons.

Lobbying today generally requires mounting a coordinated campaign, using targeted blitzes of telephone calls, letters, emails to congressional lawmakers, marches down the Washington Mall , bus caravans, and such, and these are often put together by lobbyists who coordinate a variety of interest group leaders to unite behind a hopefully simple easy-to-grasp and persuasive message.

It is important for lobbyists to follow rules governing lobbying behavior. These can be difficult and complex, take time to learn, require full disclosure, [60] and mistakes can land a lobbyist in serious legal trouble.

Gifts for congresspersons and staffers can be problematic, since anything of sizeable value must be disclosed and generally such gifts are illegal.

Wealthy lobbyists often encourage other lobbying clients to donate to a particular cause, in the hope that favors will be returned at a later date.

Lobbyist Gerald Cassidy encouraged other clients to give for causes dear to a particular client engaged in a current lobbying effort.

The dynamics of the lobbying world make it fairly easy for a semi-skilled operator to defraud a client. This is essentially what happened in the Jack Abramoff Indian lobbying scandal.

There was a concerned client—in this case, an Indian casino —worried about possible ill-effects of legislation on its gambling business; and there were lobbyists such as Jack Abramoff who knew how to exploit these fears.

The lobbyists actively lobbied against their own casino-client as a way to ratchet up their fears of adverse legislation as well as stoke possible future contributions; the lobbyists committed other violations such as grossly overbilling their clients as well as violating rules about giving gifts to congresspersons.

Numerous persons went to jail after the scandal. The following are factors which can make fraud a fairly easy-to-do activity: Evans, who was convicted of mail and wire fraud in in a case involving falsely creating a "fictitious legislative threat" against a client, and then billing the client to work against this supposed threat.

Lobbyists routinely monitor how congressional officials vote, sometimes checking the past voting records of congresspersons.

Strategy usually dictates targeting specific office holders. On the state level, one study suggested that much of the lobbying activity targeted the offices of governors as well as state-level executive bureaucrats; state lobbying was an "intensely personal game" with face-to-face contact being required for important decisions.

Lobbying can be a counteractive response to the lobbying efforts of others. One study suggested this was particularly true for battles surrounding possible decisions by the Supreme Court which is considered as a "battleground for public policy" in which differing groups try to "etch their policy preferences into law".

An example may illustrate. I had my clients understand that just as other clients who had nothing to do with them, would step up and give contributions to congressmen they needed to have some sway with, so similarly they needed to do the same.

I went to every client I could, and rounded up every check we could for him. Since government has grown increasingly complex, having to deal with new technologies, the task of writing rules has become more complex.

Lobby groups and their members sometimes also write legislation and whip bills, and in these instances, it is helpful to have lawyers skilled in writing legislation to assist with these efforts.

Lobbying firms can serve as mentors and guides. For example, after months of protesting by the Occupy Wall Street , one lobbying firm prepared a memo to its clients warning that Republicans may "turn on big banks, at least in public" which may have the effect of "altering the political ground for years to come.

Leading Democratic party strategists have begun to openly discuss the benefits of embracing the growing and increasingly organized Occupy Wall Street OWS movement This would mean more than just short-term discomfort for Wall Street firms.

If vilifying the leading companies of this sector is allowed to become an unchallenged centerpiece of a coordinated Democratic campaign, it has the potential to have very long-lasting political, policy and financial impacts on the companies in the center of the bullseye.

Since the s, there has been explosive growth in the lobbying industry, particularly in Washington D. The industry, however, is not immune to economic downturns.

If Congress is gridlocked, such as during the summer and early fall of , lobbying activity dipped considerably, according to The Washington Post.

A sea-change in government, such as a shift in control of the legislature from one political party to the other, can affect the lobbying business profoundly.

There are numerous examples of lobbying activity reported by the media. One report chronicled a somewhat unusual alliance of consumer advocates and industry groups to boost funding for the Food and Drug Administration ; the general pattern of lobbying efforts had been to try to reduce the regulatory oversight of such an agency.

In this case, however, lobbying groups wanted the federal watchdog agency to have tougher policing authority to avert expensive problems when oversight was lax; in this case, industry and consumer groups were in harmony, and lobbyists were able to persuade officials that higher FDA budgets were in the public interest.

While national-level lobbyists working in Washington have the highest salaries, many lobbyists operating at the state level can earn substantial salaries.

The table shows the top lobbyists in one state— Maryland —in Top power-brokers such as Gerald Cassidy have made fortunes from lobbying:.

He lives large, riding around town in his chauffeured car, spending thousands on custom-made clothes, investing big money in, for example, the Charlie Palmer Steak restaurant at the foot of Capitol Hill just for the fun of it.

He has fashioned a wine cellar of more than 7, bottles. He loves to go to England and live like a gentleman of the kind his Irish antecedents would have considered an anathema.

The general consensus view is that lobbying generally works overall in achieving sought-after results for clients, particularly since it has become so prevalent with substantial and growing budgets, although there are dissenting views.

There is widespread agreement that a key ingredient in effective lobbying is money. Still, effectiveness can vary depending on the situational context.

One view is that large multiple-issue lobbies tend to be effective in getting results for their clients if they are sophisticated, managed by a legislative director familiar with the art of compromise, and play "political hardball".

Studies of lobbying by academics in previous decades painted a picture of lobbying being an ineffectual activity, although many of these studies were done before lobbying became prevalent in American politics.

What happens often is that varying coalitions find themselves in "diametrical opposition to each other" and that stalemates result.

There is anecdotal evidence from numerous newspaper accounts of different groups battling that lobbying activity usually achieves results.

And sometimes merely keeping the status quo could be seen as a victory. When gridlock led to the supposed supercommittee solution, numerous lobbyists from all parts of the political spectrum worked hard, and a stalemate resulted, but with each side defended their own special interests.

Lobbying is a practical necessity for firms that "live and die" by government decisions, such as large government contractors such as Boeing.

A study done in by Bloomberg News suggested that lobbying was a "sound money-making strategy" for the 20 largest federal contractors.

Lobbying has been the subject of much debate and discussion. There is general consensus that lobbying has been a significant corrupting influence in American politics, although criticism is not universal, and there have been arguments put forward to suggest that the system is working properly.

Generally the image of lobbyists and lobbying in the public sphere is not a positive one, although this is not a universal sentiment.

Lobbyists have been described as a "hired gun" without principles or positions. Since the s, congresspersons and staffers have been "going downtown"—becoming lobbyists—and the big draw is money.

It found that since , 43 percent of the members of Congress who left government to join private life have registered to lobby.

A similar report from the Center for Responsive Politics found former members were in the "influence-peddling business", with officially registered as federal lobbyists, and 85 others who were described as providing "strategic advice" or "public relations" to corporate clients.

Numerous reports chronicle the revolving door phenomenon. And it is not just staffers, but lawmakers as well, including high-profile ones such as congressperson Richard Gephardt.

He represented a "working-class" district in Missouri for many years but after leaving Congress, he became a lobbyist. His plan [ citation needed ] would deprive lawmakers-turned-lobbyists of privileges such as unfettered access to otherwise "members only" areas such as the House and Senate floors and the House gym.

A concern among many critics is that influence peddling hurts overall decision making, according to this criticism. Proposals with merit are dropped in favor of proposals backed by political expediency.

A group supported by the United States Department of Agriculture proposed healthier lunches as a way to combat childhood obesity by limiting the number of potatoes served, limiting salty foods, and adding more fresh vegetables, but this group was countered by a strong food lobby backed by Coca-Cola , Del Monte , and makers of frozen pizza.

Critics have contended that when lawmakers are drawn into battles to determine issues such as the composition over school lunches or how much an ATM fee should be, [] more serious issues such as deficit reduction or global warming or social security are neglected.

Critics suggested that the Congress spent more time discussing per-transaction debit-card fees while neglecting issues seen as more pressing.

In this line of reasoning, critics contend that lobbying, in and of itself, is not the sole problem, but only one aspect of a larger problem with American governance.

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